The fact that competition not only shows how things can be improved, but also forces all those whose income depends on the market to imitate the improvements, is of course one of the major reasons for the disinclination to compete. As expressed by Thatcher in her speech to the College of Europe: The aim of a Europe open to enterprise is the moving force behind the creation of the Single European Market. Therefore, in second place, hegemony consists also in practices of governance Howarth, : , that is, ruling practices that incorporate and accommodate, in an institutional way, some of the demands of the ruled sectors, while dispersing and marginalizing others. At this point, the distinctive contribution of post-structuralist discourse theory to state theory probably resides in thinking of institutions as not only hegemonic sedimentations, and so as radically political, but also as constitutively barred or contingent Foa Torres, : It then employs the resulting framework for analysing the internal socio-political logic of the European integration process, and asks why this process has not been challenged by any robust counter-hegemonic alternative despite the regressive consequences that its neo-liberal design has triggered.
The ECB has successfully lobbied for increased financial constraint and control and has been granted new powers that are far removed from the common practices of central banks.
The conclusion of my study is that the historical institutionalist theory provides a better explanation for the the actions of the member states and the ECB during the integration process. Engaged in the construction of a socialist society, France will contribute to the democratization of the Community, she will utilize the institutions to favour the convergence of the social struggles against unemployment, for the reduction of the working time, for the control of multinational companies, for the defence of liberties and for the extension of democracy PS, This Laclaudian perspective is hence very helpful in explaining the processes of constitution and dissolution of political identities that underpin public policies. Thus, while the embedded liberalism of the post-War era assumed the need to insulate certain areas of social life from market competitive logic while at the same time promoting competition in other areas, neo-liberalism defines competition as the general principal of societal coordination, a move that implies the extension of market logics throughout the social body. Thus, in a very similar manner that also echoes the Gramscian notion of integral state Buci-Glucksmann, , Poulantzas  understood the state as a social relation that condenses in a concrete institutional ensemble the balance of forces existing in a given society as well as the various contradictions underlying it.
Policies appear therefore as signifying systems aimed towards the temporary suspension of the radical contingency which haunts any social formation: the concern is not only on the instances of discursive institution of any policy regime, but also on the ways through which such regime excludes alternative possibilities. Supranational institutions, a re- sult of the European integration processes, are explained as securing the interests of the member states through common institutions and, through that, gaining more security about how other states will act in the anarchical world9. The implicit assumptions behind this decision were that a long-run austerity approach to fiscal and monetary policy was required to bring about a strong price and wage deflation as the means to increase national competitiveness and stimulate investment, and especially, that this was the only feasible strategy towards boosting growth. Thus, they continue to be present in the field of European Integration Theo- ries. The other option was remaining within the ERM, turning towards contractionary fiscal and monetary policy measures that would reduce the rate of inflation and implementing only a small devaluation.
This macroeconomic framework favoured the interests of the supply-based Northern economies, led by Germany, which were and still are inflation-averse to the extent that their growth came from exports. These benefits will only be fully achieved with increased co-operation Delors, The two ap- proaches see the state as a uniform actor and do not seriously try to open up the black- box of the state. The TSCG is an intergovernmental regime launched by the EMU countries to increase control and monitoring of fiscal policy within the union. To begin with the first, post-structuralists contend that the foundations of social reality are in a crucial sense rhetorical: all objects and subjects are discursively constructed by signifying practices to the extent they only acquire meaning when they are articulated within relational systems of signifying rules. Simplified spill-over describes the phenomena that the integration of one sector leads to a primarily technical and functional15 pressure to integrate others; especially when connected to the already integrated sector
With it, during the eighties, the socio-economic content of the integration process progressively took a different direction and eventually neo-liberalism came to determine its subsequent steps.
Nevertheless, as it arises from the theoretical framework discussed above, the nature of a crisis is not simply given by its dislocations or effects. As expressed again by Thatcher : We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a European level with a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels. Thus, in a very similar manner that also echoes the Gramscian notion of integral state Buci-Glucksmann, , Poulantzas  understood the state as a social relation that condenses in a concrete institutional ensemble the balance of forces existing in a given society as well as the various contradictions underlying it.
The Partie Socialiste PS exposed in its ideological manifesto of its confidence in this double aim: The realization in France of a socialist project will be a shock within our European environment, which will cause it to be less marked by liberalism and Atlanticism. The result was decreasing levels of competitiveness of the European economies. The ECB has successfully lobbied for increased financial constraint and control and has been granted new powers that are far removed from the common practices of central banks. The argument developed in the article is that the increasing support of European social democracy, once Euro-critical, to the European project played a crucial role in this development. Within the ERM, the traditional enlarged popular coalition around the working class constructed by social democratic parties Moschonas, , because of their constitutive reliance on strategies pursuing full employment and protection against market commodification tendencies, was no longer a viable hegemonic articulation. In the Delorist discourse, the creation of a large market must go hand in hand with the organization of a European social area.
More This thesis is a historical case study on the European integration between The fact that competition not only shows how things can be improved, but also forces all those whose income depends on the market to imitate the improvements, is of course one of the major reasons for the disinclination to compete.
These benefits will only be fully achieved with increased co-operation Delors, Despite the regressive consequences of this process in terms of increasing economic inequality, loss of social rights and decreasing democratic legitimacy, the European project had not been challenged by any robust counter-hegemonic alternative until the recent outbreak of right-wing populism throughout the EU. They have also both been revised several times and reintroduced in different contexts of theorizing in- tegration. Policies appear therefore as signifying systems aimed towards the temporary suspension of the radical contingency which haunts any social formation: the concern is not only on the instances of discursive institution of any policy regime, but also on the ways through which such regime excludes alternative possibilities. Nevertheless, the manifesto emphasized the need for coordinated efforts rather than integrated common policies, an approach that reflected the British and Danish reluctances to further supranationalisation Lodge, :