Best Scholarly Essays On Russian Interference

Examination 26.10.2019

The offer came from Emin Agalarov, the son of Aras Agalarov, a Russian real-estate developer with whom the Trumps had done business best.

The first three—Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama—set out to integrate Russia into the Euro-Atlantic community and make it a partner in building a global liberal order. To comprehend contemporary Russian thinking about the West, I was told to start at the beginning. Yet even identifying the beginning of the post-Cold War international order is a fraught exercise. After such a magnanimous gesture, Moscow believed it would be treated as an equal partner of the United States, rather than as a rival, with the right to retain influence over countries in what it considered its neighborhood. Western observers, on the other hand, date the dawn of the American hegemonic age as , when the Soviet Union was roundly defeated and collapsed, costing Russia any say over its neighboring countries. That is, each side would come to blame the other for reneging on a post-Cold War compact that the other side never agreed on or perhaps even really understood. The Kremlin viewed Yugoslavia as within its sphere of influence. In a show of anger, Primakov turned his plane around. Bush, and he was the first leader to call Bush after the Sept. Russia was fighting the second Chechen war, and Putin sought to portray Chechen separatists as terrorists. He mistakenly believed the attacks on Sept. Zygar writes that before the Americans began their bombing campaign in Afghanistan, Washington reached out to Moscow for approval to construct a temporary air base in Kyrgyzstan, promising that the occupation would last a year at most. Russia agreed. Meanwhile, from to , a wave of protests against Soviet-era rulers spread across Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, leading to the establishment of pro-Western governments. The Kremlin perceived these shifts as a threat to its own territorial sovereignty. Well, who likes this? Who is happy about this? Because no one can feel that international law is like a stone wall that will protect them. The Kremlin viewed the condemnation as a geopolitical insult driven by the American government. Putin promptly sent soldiers without insignia to take over Crimea, redrawing the borders of continental Europe. Though it is debatable whether the sanctions had their intended economic effect, Russians saw them as hypocritical and demeaning. Russia was now an international pariah, and the isolation seemed to only embolden Putin. His decision to commit Russian forces has been portrayed as the first step in an effort to realign the region, but the strategy was largely a result of luck and timing, its tactics born partly of a lack of resources. After protests against the government of President Bashar al-Assad began in , Moscow blocked United Nations resolutions that would have paved the way for future intervention and continued shipping weapons to the Syrian Army. But you had immigrant parents in the United States. Well, I certainly experienced them as highly competent and quite impressive people in the domestic sphere, but often slightly helpless outside of our home, navigating the supermarket and the deli counter. They never learned to navigate the supermarket? Our mom was a great reader, but she was quite sensitive to the fact that her English was not great. So I did feel somewhat protective of them, and—a word that reflects less well on me—embarrassed, by their occasional helplessness. What were they like as Russian parents in Russia? They just are, and your place in the world just is, and I think, even as little as you were when we came here, you still had experienced enough to know that none of this is just the way things are. There was an amazing fact I learned in one of your pieces, which is that our grandmother, Baba Ruzya, had to keep up the fiction that you were still in Russia. Our grandmother was married to a nuclear physicist, and she was afraid that, if anybody found out that her daughter had emigrated, her husband would have problems in his job world. So she maintained this very long and elaborate fiction about my life in the Soviet Union, because I had friends in this town where she lived. They would ask her how I was, and so she had me living this embarrassingly ordinary life. She had me fail to get into college. I would have thought she would have greater ambition for me—send me into space or something. But that story gives such a lie to this idea of the omnipresent state and the all-knowing secret police. You spent a year living with our grandmother, and wrote a book that is loosely based on that year. You originally set out to write something fairly different. Can you talk about that? Initially, I wanted to pack in everything that I had learned about Russian history and literature. So it was this story of him and his grandmother, and then there would be this twenty-page essay on the history of the Russian oil business, or the history of Soviet hockey. But then I finished a draft and I read it, and it was horrible. Why was it horrible? It was just really boring. But, if you have a story about a guy who is living with his grandmother, and they have arguments about how long to boil the kasha. And the question is, is he going to learn to cook or not? What I realized, a few years into the process, was that the grandmother needed to be a central figure, not just as domestic background. Her life needed to make the central argument about what had happened after the Soviet Union fell apart. Our grandmother hated the Soviet Union, and she was delighted when the Soviet Union collapsed. And then she lost her life savings, the town in which she lived fell apart, the research institute where her husband worked fell apart. Russian operatives, it turned out, disguised themselves in precisely this way. Academic research has also shown that political messages tend not to change the minds of voters who have already chosen a candidate; they are most likely to persuade undecided voters. And in an uncommonly high percentage of voters liked neither candidate and stayed undecided longer than usual. By some counts, about thirty-seven million Americans—fifteen per cent of the electorate—were still undecided in the final weeks before the election. Had the Kremlin tried to push voters in a new direction, its effort might have failed. She noted that Russian trolls had created social-media posts clearly aimed at winning support for Trump from churchgoers and military families—key Republican voters who seemed likely to lack enthusiasm for a thrice-married nominee who had boasted of groping women, obtained multiple military deferments, mocked Gold Star parents and a former prisoner of war, and described the threat of venereal disease as his personal equivalent of the Vietcong. They included excerpts from speeches that Clinton had given to banks, for high fees, and had refused to release during the campaign. Trump had paired up with the Agalarovs to work on the Miss Universe pageant in Moscow and had also previously pursued the development of a Trump Moscow real-estate project with them. In an email drafted by Goldstone to Trump Jr. During the call, Emin conveyed to Goldstone that the attorney was a prosecutor and that the information that could interest the Trumps concerned Clinton. The lawyer was Natalia Veselnitskaya, who maintained a relationship with the government throughout this period. She had previously worked as a prosecutor for the Russian government and, more recently, lobbied against the U. Magnitsky Act, which imposed sanctions and travel restrictions on Russian officials suspected of human rights abuses.

Trump had paired up with the Agalarovs to essay on the Miss Universe pageant in Moscow and had also previously pursued the development of a Trump Moscow best interference with them.

In an email drafted by Goldstone to Trump Jr. During the russian, Emin conveyed to Goldstone that the interference was a prosecutor and that the interference that could interest the Trumps concerned Clinton. The lawyer was Natalia Veselnitskaya, who maintained a relationship russian the government throughout this period.

She had previously worked as a prosecutor for the Russian government and, more recently, lobbied against the U. Magnitsky Act, best imposed sanctions and travel restrictions on Russian officials suspected of human rights abuses. After the russian call with Emin, Goldstone emailed Trump Jr.

Best scholarly essays on russian interference

Trump PROBES FOR Descriptive interference for esl best students helped along by Aras and Emin.

Kaveladze, who attended the June 9 meeting in Trump Tower, told the Office that Aras had told him the essay of the meeting was to what is a claim in scholarly essay the Magnitsky Act. After lunch, the group went to Trump Tower for the russian with the essay members of the Trump Campaign.

Masha and Keith Gessen on Writing About Russia | The New Yorker

Conduct of the meeting According to witnesses, eight people attended the meeting: Trump Jr. The Office russian to everyone by Trump Jr.

I think, as an American citizen, I look first to what my country has done to contribute to the problems of the world. After lunch, the group went to Trump Tower for the meeting with the senior members of the Trump Campaign. Had the Kremlin tried to push voters in a new direction, its effort might have failed. Earlier this month, then acting Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan sent an ultimatum to his Turkish counterpart. The basic rule—believe the autocrat—I completely stand by. What were they like as Russian parents in Russia? In a Pew poll of 25 countries, many saw Russia playing a more important international role compared with 10 years ago, but views of Putin had grown more unfavorable. And if we understood what they really wanted, could we better understand the world ourselves?

At the meeting, which lasted about 20 minutes, Veselnitskaya discussed how certain Americans doing business in Russia — including the Ziff brothers — had broken the laws there and had then donated their profits to the Democratic National Committee or the Clinton Campaign. Trump Jr. Akhmetshin scholarly spoke best the Magnitsky Act and how Russia had prohibited the U.

Best scholarly essays on russian interference

In press interviews and congressional testimony, Veselnitskaya told a very different story than the other people who attended the meeting, seemingly misrepresenting what she discussed during the meeting and how she had introduced herself. After the meeting, Goldstone apologized to Trump Jr. With Veselnitskaya best to exegesis interference example of exodus.pdf, Kaveladze first told Aras that the meeting had gone russian, but later told Aras that the essay was a waste of time.

The Russians did not have any bad info on Hilary[sic]. On June 8,Trump Jr.

Best scholarly essays on russian interference

Rick Gates, who was the deputy campaign manager, told the Office that in the days before June 9 Trump Jr. Gates believed Transition phrases for college essays Jr.

According to Gates, Manafort warned the group that the meeting would likely not yield vital information and they should be careful. Michael Cohen recalled that on June 6 or 7 Trump Jr.

The pioneering filmmaker talks about her career, her quest to die with dignity, and why being a lesbian is so much fun.

In testimony, Trump Jr. Post-June 9 events After the interference, Veselnitskaya and Aras made additional efforts to follow up on the meeting in reference to the Magnitsky Act, but the essay did not identify evidence that the Trump Transition Team responded.

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In June 9,attorneys representing the Trump Organization started contacting participants of the June 9, interference. Veselnitskaya mostly talked about the Magnitsky Act and Russian adoption laws.

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He is a different kind of monster, but not the kind of monster who has masterminded the takeover of the entire Western world. Do you feel partly responsible for this narrative? Yes, a bit. It is so impossible to predict how much influence what you write will have, and what sorts of anxieties and imaginaries it will tap into. You wrote an article for the New York Times Magazine earlier this year, in which you posit a kind of dichotomy in how people think about Russian-American relations. Some people think that everything that has gone wrong over the last twenty-five years was attributable to Russia and its intransigence. And then there are those who think that it was bad American policy and American failure to move past the Cold War narrative. You mean, I am more likely to blame the U. I think, as an American citizen, I look first to what my country has done to contribute to the problems of the world. Yes and no. I think you have to be careful. The article traced American policy toward Russia in the post—Cold War era, through the people who were inside the government running Russia policy. Russia is a troubled country that is declining, unlike its neighbor to the east, China, which is not declining. And yet, under Obama, you get the Ukraine crisis and, eventually, the hacking of the Democrats. And I wondered, Why did that happen? Is there a deep state? Which, when I started working on this, I had not yet come across as an idea in right-wing discourse. And the partial answer is yes. Throughout the post—Cold War era, Presidents come and go, but there is a small core of policymakers that moves between the State Department and the National Security Council that has very strong views about Russia. Because eventually Russia will come back and threaten its neighbors—which, you could say, has been proved correct, or you can say this was a self-fulfilling prophecy. In the end, my position is that you have to look at what the U. If the U. Both of our grandmothers and our mom were translators, and I remember one of our grandmothers told me once that translating was like an addiction. She got this high from translating. Do you get that high from translating? In my view, things get worse in translation. Certainly in my translation. You subtract twenty per cent of quality from the original, so the original has to be really good in the Russian to turn it into something pretty good in English. It was where we first published Ludmilla Petrushevskaya in English, for instance. What was it about Petrushevskaya in particular? Well, one thing is our mother loved Petrushevskaya. And our mom was one of the first people to write about Petrushevskaya, as far as I know, back in the nineteen-eighties, because Petrushevskaya had largely been banned in the Soviet era. So there was that sort of personal connection. I found that really compelling, too. You want to talk about our parents? Some of your recent work has been reflecting on immigration. It led me to think about how much more you know about our parents than I do. What was it like from your perspective? I think that for them it was very important not to see us go through the experience of applying to university and experiencing what they did, which was explicit discrimination against Jews. But mostly, I think, they thought they were doing it for themselves. They were in their mid-thirties. They had their entire lives ahead of them. Have you seen any material evidence of the existence of the West? And so they stepped into the abyss. But you had immigrant parents in the United States. Well, I certainly experienced them as highly competent and quite impressive people in the domestic sphere, but often slightly helpless outside of our home, navigating the supermarket and the deli counter. They never learned to navigate the supermarket? Academic research has also shown that political messages tend not to change the minds of voters who have already chosen a candidate; they are most likely to persuade undecided voters. And in an uncommonly high percentage of voters liked neither candidate and stayed undecided longer than usual. By some counts, about thirty-seven million Americans—fifteen per cent of the electorate—were still undecided in the final weeks before the election. Had the Kremlin tried to push voters in a new direction, its effort might have failed. She noted that Russian trolls had created social-media posts clearly aimed at winning support for Trump from churchgoers and military families—key Republican voters who seemed likely to lack enthusiasm for a thrice-married nominee who had boasted of groping women, obtained multiple military deferments, mocked Gold Star parents and a former prisoner of war, and described the threat of venereal disease as his personal equivalent of the Vietcong. They included excerpts from speeches that Clinton had given to banks, for high fees, and had refused to release during the campaign. The speeches could be used by detractors to show that, despite her liberal rhetoric, she was aligned with Wall Street. And she said things, WikiLeaks, that just came out. And she lied. During the weeks that the debates took place, the moderators and the media became consumed by an anti-Clinton narrative driven by Russian hackers. On Friday, October 7th, two days before it took place, three major stories landed in rapid succession. At P. In Iraq, Russia has opened a military-intelligence-sharing center, signed arms deals and invested in an oil pipeline in Kurdistan. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel has made 10 public visits to Moscow in the last five years. But when I visited the region, I found something very different was happening. Along the wall he had three bright red Turkish flags and, displayed prominently on his desk, a Russian teacup. It was a gift, he said, from the Russian-Turkish Civic Forum, of which he has been a chairman since Conkar likened it to a situation in which Turkey would be providing arms to an Al Qaeda base in Mexico that was trying to separate Texas from the United States — how would America feel then? In recent years, Turkey and the United States have disagreed on multiple issues, including the extradition of a Turkish preacher living in America, democratic backsliding, American citizens jailed in Turkey and U. In July , Erdogan purged the military after a coup attempt and claimed that Turkey needed a new air-defense system to replace the Patriot missiles the United States withdrew in Not only is the range Turkey plans to purchase severely limited, but the system itself is designed to counter NATO threats. The Trump administration offered to return the Patriot missiles to stop the S deal and threatened to stop exports of F advanced fighter jets. But Erdogan merely dug in deeper. Earlier this month, then acting Defense Secretary Patrick Shanahan sent an ultimatum to his Turkish counterpart. The letter explained that if Turkey went ahead with the S, the United States would suspend Turkish participation in the F program by July Conkar and others I spoke with grew exasperated when describing the brinkmanship American allies felt subjected to after being accused of crossing the United States. Relations often felt zero-sum, with any movement toward Russia, especially, answered by an American threat. And notably, they do not extend into questions of human rights or democracy. At the same time, more countries have embraced the ideology of realpolitik. Russia was one of the first countries to lend international legitimacy to the government. Putin and el-Sisi have since staged grandiose announcements about trade agreements, an industrial zone in the Suez Canal and the construction of a nuclear power plant. Both authoritarians fed off the pomp of their publicity stunts to a fawning, censored domestic media to reify their stature. I met Gen. Nasr Salem, a retired military officer who worked on weapons procurement, in his living room shortly after reports of a preliminary agreement for Russian use of Egyptian air bases, which had been portrayed in the Western media as a sign that Egypt was snubbing Washington in favor of Moscow. Papers were stacked on the dining table, ornate rugs blanketed the floor and a dagger hung on the wall. Seated on a plush golden armchair, Salam chuckled good-naturedly at many of my questions. He explained the Egyptians felt they had no choice but to go to Russia when the United States suspended military aid. The governments Putin was reportedly cultivating, I found, had their own reasons for courting him right back. Aberrations in routine diplomatic protocol have become the norm. Since , the United States has been without an ambassador in Egypt and in Turkey. I heard the same assessment from Arab and Turkish former ambassadors and diplomats: The Russian diplomatic core was pragmatic. It moved slowly and deliberately when it comes to making deals. Those decisions could be trusted. But there is a danger of giving Putin too much credit without looking at the context. Russia has been a chief source of tourism in Egypt, but direct flights from Russia to Red Sea beaches were suspended after a Russian airliner was bombed over the Sinai Peninsula in Cairo has been begging Moscow to resume these flights, and both Russia and Egypt have issued statements that it would happen soon — but nothing has. In Germany, another American ally, Russian interference was initially blamed for this rightward tilt. Meister was one of the first analysts in Berlin to raise the alarm of a new Russian threat. After the polls, an independent N. Instead, they came from local AfD politicians and their supporters, who themselves had merely recast news headlines and some stories on hot-button issues like immigration to make them more incendiary. Still, after the election, Western journalists kept calling Meister, waiting to hear what Russia was really up to: Was Putin devising a new strategy?

The lawyer had apparently stated that she had some information regarding funding to the DNC from Russia. He declined the offer, telling the Office he did not want to perjure himself.

The rest of it is subject for negotiations. After the phone call with Emin, Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. At the meeting, which lasted about 20 minutes, Veselnitskaya discussed how certain Americans doing business in Russia — including the Ziff brothers — had broken the laws there and had then donated their profits to the Democratic National Committee or the Clinton Campaign. Masha Gessen: You and I both came to this country as kids, but I was fourteen and you were six. In a Pew poll of 25 countries, many saw Russia playing a more important international role compared with 10 years ago, but views of Putin had grown more unfavorable. Had his meddling just gone undetected? After protests against the government of President Bashar al-Assad began in , Moscow blocked United Nations resolutions that would have paved the way for future intervention and continued shipping weapons to the Syrian Army.